Manu Amazon Native Peru Knowing Their Customs
Tours Natives The Origin
The Manu Amazon Native Peru Knowing Their Customs origin of the native people of the Americas has been traced to presumed migration from Asia across the Bering Strait as long as 20,000 years (while another count is as
much as 42,000). The estimation is that people first crossed the istmus of Panama to colonize South America about
15,000 years ago. Therefore, for several millennia before the arrival of the Spaniards the amazon native people of
tropical America thrived in the jungle and the rainforest. However, little is known regarding human prehistory and
recent works suggest that human prehistory in Amazonia may be much older, perhaps as old as 32 -39,000 years.
Some of the earliest evidence
for the origin of agriculture in South America interestingly comes not from the coast or sierra, but from the Amazon basin. Sweet potatoes, peanuts, chili peppers, manioc and coca, all plants that gave sustenance to the coastal
Civilization, apparently were developed and cultivated by cultures inhabiting the jungle thousands of years earlier.
One of amazon Peru’s oldest and most sacred of Andean shrines – the 3000-year-old temple of Chavin de Huantar
– has carved on its principal stone stellae a god in the form of a large caiman, and associated with the god are what is
thought to be a cluster of manioc, the root staple of the jungle rainforest amazon .
AMAZONIAN LIFE IN TERRA FIRME- HUNTER-GATHERERS AMAZON NATIVE.Manu Amazon Native Peru Knowing Their Customs
Relatively poor soils, and game animals that, while diverse, are few and far between, is what characterize the Amazon jungle. The consequence for Native People .
Villages Is that on the terra fime – the immense never flooded lands between the large rivers -the villages are typically small, consisting of between 25-100 people Native . mobile and scattered.
Against many belicfs, natives do not change the place of their villages amazon due to depletion of game animals, but
that of adequate material for construction or renewal of the roofs of their houses, and due to the poor quality and quick exhaustion of the jungle ‘s soil.
Presumably in order to keep their populations from overloading the fragile environment, terra firme tribes almost universally practised warfare, contraception and/or infanticide techniques of the amazon people native.
Hunting and gathering in its most pristine fom includes no elementof farming, But in most real forms, the people native forage and hunt, taking only what they can find and catch.
Hunting is accomplished by careful, quiet stalking, using bow and arrow, or spear to bring down large birds,
monkeys, sloths, agoutis, pacas, tapirs, and others. However, in these times, rifles and shotguns are becoming more frequent jungle native amazon .
Protein is also supplied by certain arthropods, especially large grubs, and where tribes are living along rivers, by
hunting for fish, turtles, and capybara, sometimes with the use of poison.
In addition, in the hunt for protein, many kinds of naturally occuring plant materials, nuts, fruits, seeds, etc. are consurmed.
The annual flooding cycles also very clearly affect the life of the native.
During the dry season, when rivers are low, they live near rivers collecting turtles and birds cggs. When ivers are high
during the rainy scason the natives take refuge in the high areas, living by hunting and collecting wild fruits Some
Neotropical hunter-gatherer tribes are known, at least in the past, for high levels of aggression.
Highly territorial behaviour has been noted. This tribal warfare was probably in response to the need to protect areas of forest for the exclusive use of a single tribe amazon native , thus increasing of forest’s yield.
Another factor behind tribal raids was genetic one. The procurement of women, ensuring genetic outbreeding
aggression, is a custom incalcated within the culture.
The existence of sorcery and warfare, leading to high level of violence, can also be seen as controls on and means of reducing environment-taxing populations.
THE ORIGIN NATIVES AMAZON PERU .PEOPLE NATIVE KOGAPAKORIS .
Another ethnic group inhabits the remote tributaries of the western and northwestern areas of the reserve. This group is closely related to the Machiguengas.
The Machiguenga Native themselves refer to them as the Kogapakoris Native , or «the wild ones», In contrast with
the Native Machiguenga, the Kogapakori do not wear cotton cushmas but rather a bark penis strap for men and a bark skirt for women.
Native Kogapakoris live in communal buildings and traditionally only hunt with bows and arrows. Their settlements
remain uncontacted. Partly due the fact that, like the Native Machiguengas amazon , during the rubber boom they
were the objects of repeated enslavement and deaths, their reaction towards all outsiders continues to be one of considerable hostility.
In one short contact with them and some missionaries in 1981, the meeting ended maybe not unsurprisingly with one Native Kogapakori warning the missionary that: «I live here, and I live well, but I wil! kill any who come to molest me».
At the headwaters of Ucayali river they are known even to kill tourists and many peruvian sales people amazon have disappeared after entering Kogapakori’s amazon native lands.
The Peruvian goverment declared a one million acre (400.000 hectare) amazon people Kogapakori and Yora reserve in 1989, along the north western border of Manu Biosphere Reserve amazon native .
Recently-contacted Yora/Yaminahua Native People .
Indians pole their canoe down the amazon Manu River in August, 1986. Fierce warriors known for their attacks on
amazon Machiguenga Indian communities, invading wood-cutters, and explorers in the area of the Fitzcarrald Pass
until their contact in late 1984, the Yora suffered severe epidemics of whooping cough and other introduced respiratory diseases following their contact.
As a result, the native people Yora’s original population of roughly 200 individuals decreased to 130 within the first
two years of contact. Here, three Yora men with wads of native amazon tobacco in their mouths pole a canoe-load of women and children on their way to the Dominican mission of Shintuya on the upper Madre de Dios River.
The NATIVE Yora man at right wears a plastic Shell| Oil helmet. The Yora amazon people often attacked Shell Oil camps which, during the 1980’s, were exploring for oil near the Fitzcarrald Pass.
The adults wear cheekbeads and metal nose ornaments attached to holes in their nasal septa amazon peru amazon .
NATIVE MACHIGUENGA/ KOGAPAKORI NE OF THE LARGEST .
Ethrnic groups in the Peruvian Amazon ís the Arawakan-speaking Matsiguenka amazon native (a self. denomination meaning “us”), or Machguenga, which number around 10,000 individuals.
Linguistically and culturally similar to an even larger group-the 20,O00-odd Campa Indiansthe Machiguenga native
have traditionally inhabited a region encompassed by the southern tributaries of the upper Urubamba as well as the
headwaters of both the western tributaries of the Manu and the northern tributaries of the upper Madre de Dios Rivers.
Along with the Campa and Piro Indians, the Native Machiguenga are one of the original rainforest groups which the
Inca generically labeled as Antis. They were also referred to by the Incas and early Spanish explorers at one time or another as either the Manaries, Opataries or Pilcozones.
Living along small streams amid rugged, heavily-forested hills up to an elevation of 4.,000 feet (1,200 meters), the
native Machiguengas were inevitably drawn into the orbit of Inca expansionism: scattered family groups still live among remote, unmapped, Inca ruins in the jungle:
local legends. meanwhile, continue to circulate about how certain Machiguengas supposedly guard the location of the fabled lost city of Paititi finding native people .
NATIVE YORA /YAMINAHUA THE AFTER THE DEPARTURE .
Of thelast rubber tappers from the Manu region in 1920, the tappers’ abandoned camps, fields and houses slowly began to be reclaimed by the forest. The trail over the Fitzcarrald Pass–opened with such great effort and so many Indian lives–was soon narrowed and finally sealed off by a new wall of jungle Native.
In the human vacuum left in Manu itself. the remnants of tribes that had escaped total devastation slowly began to
move back in. Throughout the next six decades the groups would continue to watch warily for the return of the “white men,”
recounting around their campfires stories of the captures, enslavement and deaths suffered at the hands of the white
men and their many minions As has already been recounted, the Piro Indians who had accompanied Fitzcarrald into
Manu settled along the river’s lower reaches while the Machiguenga and Native Kogapakoris spread out from their
remote hiding places along nearly inaccessible tributaries to the north and west. In the 1920. 1930’s, however, an
entirely new Indian group appeared in the headwaters region of the Fitzcarrald Pass.
This group quickly began attacking the scat- tered Machiguenga settlements along the upper Mishagua native people , Camisea, Cashpajali.
Condeja and Manu Rivers.
Terrified Machiguengas began telling of widespread massacres carried out by invaders who attacked their homes stole their women and children, and killed their men.
Unlike the slender and relatively pacific Machiguengas, the invaders were described as short, thickly-muscled warriors who wore only bark penis straps, a crown of feathers and painted their entire bodies red.
Over the next several decades, isolated reports continued to filter out about a group of fierce, naked warriors who had effectively closed off the area of the Fitzcarrald Pass.
Wood cutters venturing into the region from the local mission community of Sepahua returned, if they were lucky, with wounds made from six-foot-long arrows;
others simply disappeared.
In January, 1984, however, the development-minded Peruvian President, Fernando Belaúnde Terry, ordered a crew
of navy workmen to the Fitzcarrald Pass.Having already bulldozed through the jungle native a “marginal highway’
parallel to the Andes in a previous term, Belaúnde was consumed with the notíon of opening up the Madre de Dios
area to development by constructing a road over the Fitzcarrald Pass and straight into what was already Manu
Biosphere Reserve. Workers were lowered on rope ladders from helicopters into the rugged zone with orders to clear
a wide trail and two helicopter landing areas, one at either end of the pass. President Belaúnde, meanwhile, along
with a coterie of reporters from the capital, would then visit, instituting both a photo opportunity and the road’s
inauguration. Left on their own in the jungle, however, the workers almost immediately began to see signs of Indians
THE MASHCO PIRO NATIVE .
Tioned along the Manu River began seeing signs of Manu’s lesser-known native inhabitants-mostly in the form of
startled, naked Indians who swiftly disappeared into the jungle amazon native .
Given the brutal history of the region, it was understandable that both the park guards and indigenous peoples went
well out of their way to avoid direct encounters, fearful as they were of the outcome.
The guards were intrigued, however, by repeated glimpses they had of three naked Indian woman whom they
occasionally surprised for- aging for turtle eggs on the beaches.
Like the other Indians, however, the women always fled. Gradually, over a period of several years, the women be-
came less frightened and the encounters became increasingly friendly.
Finally, in 1979, the youngest of the Women ventured out onto the beach just as a boat with park personnel was passing.
The guards quickly beached the boat and were surprised when the woman began using unmistakable signs that she
wanted fire. In this first encounter, the guards gave the young woman a box of matches, showed her how to light them, then moved on.
A few months later, under similar circumstances, all three women were discovered on a beach motioning to the
guards that they wanted fire.
The box of matches had gotten wet and, curiously. the women seemed unable to produce fire on their own.
Besides new boxes of matches, this time the guards gave them clothing and food. Soon afterwards, the women
moved their camp across the river from the guard station at Pakitza, where the guards both made them a house and cleared and planted a garden.
From then on, they were known simply as “the three women of Pakitza.
” Other Indians traveling by, however, soon began referring to the women as “Mashco Piro,” or “wild Piro,” a name
stemming from a local belief that certain Piro may have mixed in the past with Harambket-speaking Indians,
generically referred to as “Mashco.”
The women’s language, on the other hand, seemed to have more of a resemblance to the Arawakan Piro; several
visiting Piro Indians from Diamante claimed that the women spoke a dialect of Piro once spoken by their elders.
These Piro themselves, however, had great difficulty in communicating with them.
Strangely enough, although the Women carried bows and arrows and occasionally attempted to shoot game,. their efforts were ineffectual.
Ninety percent of their diet consisted of the vegetables, nuts and fruits that they gathered. When offered even
partially rotted meat or fish by passing Indians, however, the women fell upon it as if ravished. Gradually, it was
learned that the eldest woman-in her late 50’s- was the mother and that the other two, now in their early and late 30’s.
Were her daughters.
AIl three, apparently, either separated from or were expelled from one of the groups of infrequently-seen,
uncontacted Mashco Piro Indians who are known to roam the area between the Panagua and Alto Madre de Dios Rivers.
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